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Citizenship Daily > Blog > Column > Agenda for new INEC chairman: Building trust, efficiency, democracy
Column

Agenda for new INEC chairman: Building trust, efficiency, democracy

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Last updated: October 22, 2025 7:08 am
Editor Published October 22, 2025
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By Ussiju Medaner

A few institutions in Nigeria carry the burden of hope, controversy, and expectation as heavily as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). It stands not simply as an election umpire but as the lifeline of our democracy—the single body upon which the legitimacy of governments, the credibility of leaders, and the trust of citizens rest.

Every transition of leadership at INEC rekindles the country’s yearning for electoral redemption: a desire for fairness, transparency, and a process that truly reflects the will of the people. Yet, paradoxically, no matter how much effort INEC puts forward, it remains the most loved and loathed institution at once—celebrated when the outcome favors, vilified when it does not. The incoming INEC Chairman steps into an office that is both the altar of Nigeria’s democratic promise and the furnace of its public impatience—where perfection is demanded, and failure is unforgivable.

Over the years, it has become increasingly difficult to separate the failures of Nigeria’s elections from the complex web of our political culture. Is INEC the problem? Or are the politicians? Or perhaps, the people themselves? Each election cycle leaves behind a familiar trail of accusations, protests, and post-mortems. Critics accuse INEC of incompetence, partisanship, and corruption; yet in many cases, the same politicians who cry foul are the ones who undermine the process through vote-buying, thuggery, and manipulation of results. The Nigerian electorate too bears its share of guilt—oscillating between cynicism and complicity, often willing to trade conscience for quick gain. In this tangled blame-game, INEC stands both as victim and culprit: burdened by the expectations of a nation that demands perfection from an imperfect system, while navigating the traps set by the very political actors who claim to defend democracy.

To be fair, the journey of INEC has not been without moments of courage and reform. Each successive leadership has left its imprint—some faint, others indelible. Under Attahiru Jega, the nation witnessed a determined attempt to restore credibility to the ballot through innovations like the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and biometric verification. That era rekindled a flicker of public trust, proving that with integrity and firmness, the electoral process could inspire confidence. His successor, Mahmood Yakubu, built on that foundation, expanding the use of technology and introducing systems such as the BVAS (Bimodal Voter Accreditation System) and IReV (I-Result View). While these tools promised transparency, they also exposed the limits of Nigeria’s institutional readiness. These men taught the country vital lessons: that reforming INEC is as much about strengthening systems as it is about taming the political class, and that technology, no matter how advanced, cannot substitute for integrity, courage, and public confidence. It is into this complicated legacy that the new Chairman steps, inheriting both progress and public doubt in equal measure.

The new INEC helmsman assumes office at a time when Nigeria’s political environment is restless, fragmented, and dangerously polarized. Public confidence in the electoral process has waned, bruised by disputed outcomes, judicial interventions that appear to override popular mandates, and a widespread perception that elections have become battles of influence rather than of ideas. The nation’s political actors are more desperate and daring than ever, viewing power not as service but as conquest. Regional distrusts deepen, the youth are increasingly disillusioned, and the social media space has become both a tool of civic awakening and a weapon of misinformation. Add to this the logistical nightmares of conducting elections across vast, insecure territories, the pressure of technological reliability, and the constant political interference that shadows every decision, and it becomes clear that the new INEC Chairman is not simply stepping into a job, but into a storm. His ability to steady the institution amid these tempests will define not just his legacy, but the fate of Nigeria’s democracy itself.

It is important to restate a fact often lost in the noise of politics: the appointment of the INEC Chairman is a constitutional prerogative of the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate. Yet each time a new helmsman is named, the political class erupts in suspicion and protest, as though the process were an invention of convenience rather than a product of law. The same politicians who swear allegiance to the Constitution suddenly question its provisions when they do not favor their partisan expectations. Many conveniently forget that the same procedure produced past chairmen who presided over elections that brought them to power. Instead of advocating constitutional reform to alter the process, they prefer to delegitimize the institution itself, sowing cynicism and distrust even before the new leadership settles in. This recurring attitude betrays a larger hypocrisy in Nigeria’s political space—a willingness to weaponize public perception against INEC whenever it serves narrow interests, while ignoring that stability in democracy begins with respect for the rules that govern it.

The legal framework guiding INEC’s operations, particularly the Electoral Act 2022 (EA 2022), provides the foundation for the conduct of elections in Nigeria. Some critical provisions include Section 3(3), which requires that funds for general elections be released to INEC at least one year before an election; Section 29(1), which mandates political parties to conduct primaries and submit candidate lists not later than 180 days before general elections; and Sections 47(2) and 50(2), which provide for the use of electronic accreditation and empower INEC to determine the mode of result transmission, including electronic means. Section 51(2) redefines over-voting in terms of accredited voters rather than registered voters, while Section 65(1) gives INEC the power to review results declared under duress or contrary to law. Yet, despite these advances, ambiguities in interpretation and implementation continue to threaten their effectiveness.

A major challenge lies in the conflicting language of Sections 60(5) and 64(4-5), which refer respectively to the “transfer” and “direct transmission” of results—creating interpretive confusion that fuels litigation. Section 65(1), which allows INEC to review results declared “under duress,” remains too vague to be effectively applied. Reform should explicitly define triggers for review, such as proven technological failure or verifiable fraud. Furthermore, Nigeria still lacks clear constitutional and statutory provisions for special voting—diaspora participation, early voting for security and essential service personnel, and the enfranchisement of incarcerated persons who have not been convicted. INEC itself has recommended that relevant sections of both the Electoral Act and the 1999 Constitution—such as Sections 12(2), 45, 72(2), 117(1), and 132(5)—be amended to permit inclusive voting. Similarly, while Section 84(12) bars political appointees from participating in party primaries, further regulation is needed to enforce internal democracy within political parties and ensure transparent candidate selection.

Financial autonomy remains another critical reform area. Though Section 3(3) of the Act establishes that INEC should receive election funding one year in advance, delays in budgetary releases and executive bottlenecks still compromise operational independence. A constitutional guarantee for INEC’s financial and administrative autonomy—particularly in the appointment and security of tenure for its state resident electoral commissioners—would further insulate the Commission from undue influence. These gaps reveal why electoral reform must not only focus on process but also on protection: protection of INEC’s institutional integrity from political interference and public distrust alike.

Nigerians are not asking for miracles from the new INEC Chairman; they are asking for fairness that can be seen and felt. Credibility is not a slogan—it is earned through transparency, accountability, and consistency. The new INEC boss must lead with moral clarity, resist political pressure, and show the courage to make unpopular but lawful decisions. In a country where suspicion runs deep, perception often becomes reality. Restoring trust, therefore, must begin not with promises, but with daily conduct that reflects independence. Nigerians want an INEC that is both legally and practically autonomous—one that operates without subtle constraints from political actors or financial manipulation. Independence, however, is not isolation; it means standing firm within the boundaries of the law, even when standing alone. That is the leadership Nigeria needs now more than ever.

Efficiency is another area where Nigerians demand improvement. Each election cycle comes with familiar excuses—late arrival of materials, malfunctioning BVAS devices, or poorly trained ad hoc staff. The innovations of the past must not become instruments of frustration but tools of progress. The new leadership must invest in robust logistics, staff training, and security coordination to ensure that from the remotest polling unit to the national collation centre, the process reflects professionalism and order. Technology must serve as an enabler, not an ornament. BVAS and IReV should be institutionalized as functional instruments of transparency, not occasional experiments in modernization.

To build credibility, INEC must also rise above the theatrics of politics and propaganda. Every election season, the Commission is accused of bias by all sides—sometimes for merely enforcing the law. The new Chairman must communicate clearly, consistently, and proactively. Misinformation should be pre-empted, not merely reacted to. INEC must remind citizens that democracy is a collective enterprise, not a one-institution project, and that when the public loses faith in the umpire, the entire process collapses. Transparency is key: public briefings, open data publication of results, and independent observer access must become routine. Accountability must replace defensiveness; correction must replace denial.

The reform agenda for the new Chairman is therefore both legal and moral. He must champion amendments to clarify the provisions on result transmission and review powers; advocate inclusive reforms for special and diaspora voting; enforce internal party democracy; and secure INEC’s operational autonomy. He must professionalize logistics management and build a culture of proactive communication. Above all, he must restore the public’s faith that their votes count.

Ultimately, Nigeria’s democracy is only as strong as its elections. If the vote fails, governance fails; if the umpire falters, democracy crumbles. The incoming INEC Chairman must understand that his task is not merely administrative—it is existential. His success will depend on his ability to rise above political pressure and personal ambition, to serve the Constitution rather than the powerful, and to treat his office not as privilege but as trust. Nigeria’s democracy remains fragile; its survival depends on institutions that can stand taller than the ambitions of men. If the new Chairman can defend that principle—with fairness as his compass and courage as his armor—he will not only redeem the faith of a weary people but restore dignity to our democracy.

The credibility of elections is the oxygen of democracy; when it is poisoned, the entire system suffocates. INEC stands today at a crossroads between public distrust and the promise of renewal, and the man at its helm must decide whether history will remember him as another custodian of controversy or the reformer who rekindled faith in the ballot. Nigerians are tired of excuses; what they crave is evidence—evidence that the votes they cast can still shape their destiny. The President has done his part by exercising his constitutional prerogative of appointment; the burden now rests on INEC to justify the nation’s hope. The world is watching, the people are waiting, and history will not be kind to failure.

This is a call to action for the new INEC boss—to build an institution that not only counts votes but earns trust, and in doing so, to safeguard the very soul of Nigeria’s democracy.

Professor Medaner is reachable via justme4justice@yahoo.com

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