By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti
As Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya’s tenure winds toward its constitutional limit in 2027, the political temperature in Gombe State is gradually heating up. The race for who succeeds him is already being shaped by underground movements, historical grievances, and the quiet calculations of entrenched interests. For keen observers of Gombe politics, this is not surprising. The state has always been a paradox—calm on the surface, combustible beneath. I ignored political associations whether PDP, APC or SDP knowing fully that for a Nigerian politician, that does not matter.
Since 1999, Gombe’s political landscape has been defined by two parallel forces: deep-rooted intolerance for dissent and intense loyalty to political godfathers. These are not exclusive to any single party. Under the late Governor Abubakar Hashidu, there was a little space for opposition, albeit without access to state-owned media.
Then came the ascendancy of Alhaji Danjuma Goje, who turned the state into a national reference point for political machinations and street-level violence via the now-dormant Kalare network. In 2003, he defied incumbency odds to defeat Hashidu, proving that tenacity and backroom power plays could trump the governor’s seat.
Today, political violence in Gombe has subsided, but the underlying architecture of control and exclusion remains intact—only more refined and decentralized. With Governor Inuwa Yahaya expected to hand over power in 2027, the race for Gombe’s top job has begun, albeit unofficially. At the centre of emerging speculations is the quiet but potent reconciliation between Yahaya and his former mentor, Senator Danjuma Goje. The political implications are profound.
The name most frequently whispered in political circles is Alhaji Yunusa Yakubu Lubel, a businessman with deep Abuja connections and longstanding ties to Governor Inuwa. Though yet to declare openly, Lubel is increasingly seen as the Governor’s favourite to fly the APC flag. The speculation is not without foundation. Lubel reportedly played a key financial role in Yahaya’s 2015 and 2019 campaigns. His possible familial connection to the Governor adds fuel to this rumour.
However, political viability extends beyond loyalty. Lubel faces two critical hurdles. First, he has no track record in governance or public administration. Second, he hails from Gombe LGA in Gombe North—same as the incumbent governor. By APC’s informal zoning logic, Gombe North producing a successor would likely trigger fierce resistance from Gombe Central and South. The question, then, is whether Inuwa is willing to expend his dwindling political capital on a candidate whose reach may not extend beyond the state capital. Also, there are speculations since Dankwambo, of stopping “Pade roba” from governing the state again since Goje.
Dr. Isa Ali Pantami, former Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, is another heavyweight under watch. Technically astute, Pantami boasts a stellar federal performance, having transformed the digital economy space and attracted substantial ICT investments to the state. He has a massive followership rooted in his clerical background and digital-era achievements.
Yet, his political stock is complicated. His controversial appointment as Professor at FUTO—widely discredited by ASUU and academia—lingers as a question mark over his credibility. More critically, his grassroots base in Gombe is weak. Pantami is not embedded in the state APC machinery and would likely struggle to secure even his ward in a tightly contested primary. He also shares the same geopolitical origin with Inuwa Yahaya—a major zoning disadvantage.
Barrister Abdullahi Idris, a former Minister and Senator, offers a blend of legal rigour and policy experience. His detractors, however, cite a disconnection from his base and an enduring perception of aloofness. In Nigerian politics, human relation is often more potent than a resume. In Gombe, it is everything. Idris may be technically qualified, but his re-entry into local politics after years of absence may be a case of too little, too late.
Alhaji Saidu Alkali, the current Minister of Transportation, enjoys name recognition and a history of electoral success. But his inability to address the deplorable state of the Gombe-Dukku road—arguably the worst federal road in the state—has dented his standing. If you can’t fix a key road as Minister, why should you be trusted with an entire state?
Similarly, Alhaji Usman Bello Kumo (popularly known as “World”), a long-serving legislator and former Local Government Chairman, and the Majority Whip in the House of Representatives, remains popular in Akko LGA. However, his long-standing rift with Senator Goje, who feels deeply betrayed by Kumo’s 2019 and 2023 maneuvers, could be politically fatal. With Governor Inuwa now seeking to mend fences with Goje, Kumo risks becoming collateral damage in the reconciliation process.
Alhaji Bala Bello Tinka (Tinka Point) is a well-established philanthropist with deep grassroots appeal and over two decades in partisan politics. He lacks the baggage of elite conflict and enjoys widespread goodwill. If the APC decides to back a unity candidate without historical enmities, Tinka may emerge as a compromise figure. But his low visibility in recent party structures may hinder his momentum. Also, he may likely face the factor of sharing the same geopolitical zone with the incumbent governor.
One name that could dramatically shift the political equation in the state is Hon. Ali Isa JC, the Minority Whip of the House of Representatives. Hailing from Balanga in Gombe South, Ali Isa represents a region that has never produced a governor since 1999. His rising profile, legislative experience, and deep roots in the zone make him a formidable contender. If APC or even the opposition parties decide to honour the principle of equity, Gombe South’s agitation may finally bear fruit. And Ali Isa JC stands tall among possible choices.
As 2027 draws closer, the battle for Gombe’s governorship will be defined by more than ambition. It will hinge on zoning arithmetic, historical loyalty, political reconciliation, and most importantly, the ability to build a winning coalition across the three senatorial zones. While no candidate has declared officially, the underground movements suggest that alliances are forming, bets are being placed, and the dice is rolling quietly.
Gombe’s next political transition will be a test not just of who is most popular, but of who can navigate the unspoken rules, mend fractured alliances, and build legitimacy beyond one’s local enclave. For those paying attention, 2027 will not just be about the next governor—it will be a referendum on how Gombe chooses to move forward: inclusively or as a captive of recycled elites.
Lawanti (PhD), lecturer at the Ahmadu Bello University wrote in from Zaria, Kaduna State.
